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Presentation given at the international workshop Geography and Holocaust Research, held within the framework of the European Holocaust Research Infrastructure (EHRI) at the International Tracing Service (ITS) in Bad Arolsen, Germany.


My dear new colleagues,


(2) Although a longtime collector and curator of maps and atlases, I am a relative newcomer to Geography and Holocaust Research. Like many students I started with Martin Gilbert’s Atlas of the Holocaust, because of its reliability and completeness. I show you a poignant example. This map locates the beginnings of 'the holocaust by bullits': Jews massacred between 22 June and 16 July 1941. It presents places and numbers of mass killings of Jews during the first three weeks of the invasion of the Soviet Union when German forces made rapid advances. In their wake, special mobile firing squads began the systematic murder of partisans, Soviet functionaries, Roma and Jews in every city. However clear, Gilbert's maps are so basic that scholars need extra political, ethnographical, transport and military maps to further investigate the regional conditions, logistic networks and strategic turning points which largely shape anti-Jewish measures.


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(3) An important source of detailed Holocaust maps are the Yiddish and Hebrew Yizkor books on destroyed Jewish communities with plans reconstructed from memory. A good example is this map of Beresteczko in the Volhynia district of old Poland (now Ukraine) where some 2500 Jews lived, one-third of its population. The map is drawn by M. Ben-Aviv for the book There was a Townlet ... published in Haifa 1961. After the Soviet occupation from September 1939 to June 1941 the Germans capture the town. In October 1941 they establish there a ghetto (follow the barbed wire line). Its Jews are conscripted for forced labor, some skilled workers are allowed to live outside. On September 7 - 9, 1942, almost all Jews of Beresteczko are murdered. Most maps in the Yad Vashem Encyclopedia of the Ghettos during the Holocaust are based on such publications.


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(4) Nowadays, geography projects on the Holocaust use mainly historical GIS (Geographic Information Systems). This results in (interactive) maps which visualize its spatial dimensions and analyse Jewish versus non-Jewish spaces. An initiative at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum on Geographies of the Holocaust gives fine examples, I'll just mention one. Studies on the ghettoization of the Jews in Hungary show that in some places a single closed ghetto is created. In other towns and cities one or more ghetto areas are constructed. Elsewhere, ghettoization is enacted at the scale of single apartments in buildings. Budapest presents across 1944 all these strategies. This modern map by Tim Cole and Alberto Giordano depicts the Jewish-designated residences on June 22, 1944, per cell of 100 square meters. The size of the circles is proportional to the number of residences, which varies greatly in the wartime districts of Buda and Pest.


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(5) However, these different ways of mapping the Holocaust rarely make use of contemporary maps. Maybe, people suppose that most of them are destroyed or lost. But to my surprise, while collecting WWII maps, I found hundreds of maps and topographical plans related to the identification, localisation, persecution and destruction of ‘the Jews’. So far only a few of them have been analysed as genuine historical-geographical sources. So my contribution to this workshop is to comment on a small range of these pre-war and wartime maps, mainly from my own collection. An example: this map of Amsterdam, commissioned by the German occupiers, was made by civil servants of the municipality. It is now in the NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies. With black dots for every ten Jews, it is one of the nine maps used in 1941 during the fierce debate, with conflicting half measures, on whether and how Jewish quarters should be transformed into a Jewish ghetto. Although Amsterdam never saw a ghetto, 3/4 of its 80.000 Jews were murdered. Today, this map will remain an exception, for the sake of brevity I only treat East Central Europe.


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Vital space versus Jewish space


(6) But first I like to remind you shortly of maps on the geopolitics of the Lebensraum vision (the vision on vital space) which becomes inseparable from genocide. On this atlas map of the German Empire and its allies during WWI, the continuous red line indicates their maximum advance on the Eastern Front. Their last major advance is consolidated at the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918 where the new Soviet government agrees to terms worse than those they have previously rejected. There, the Soviets have to cede the Ukraine, Poland, the Baltics and Finland. But this Siegfrieden, the ‘victorious peace’, is reversed in June 1919 by the so called Schandfrieden, the ‘shameful peace’ of Versailles. In German military and nationalist circles this defeat is explained with the ‘stab-in-the-back’ myth according to which unpatriottic revolutionaries overthrew the Kaiser and betrayed the Army. Later, Nazis blame the Jewish Marxists even for the loss of the Ukrainian breadbasket.


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(7) In the Weimar Republic geographers and völkisch groups (ethnic nationalists) join forces to ensure a unified revisionist message in maps. This Karte des deutschen Volks- und Kulturbodens from 1925 is designed by Albrecht Penck at the instigation of the Verein für das Deutschtum im Ausland, the ‘Society for Germanness abroad’. This map becomes very popular and appears in several atlases. It affirms not only the territory where people speak German, but stresses the German cultural heritage as well. New versions even depict the distribution of cities with traditions of German law as far east as Kyïv. Such maps not only support far-reaching territorial demands, but also stimulate a sense of pride in German cultural achievements.


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(8) But for the Nazis the notion of Deutscher Kulturboden opens the door to other ethnic groups becoming German through cultural adjustment, which is hardly compatible with their racial foundation of history. The Nazi view can be seen in these basic maps next to the telling spatial timeline Eternal Germany with which the commonly used historical atlas for schools, Putzgers Historischer Schul-Atlas, opens for the first time in 1937. The ‘old view’ of history at the top depicts the route taken by the urban culture from the Middle East, ‘intruding’ via Hellas and Rome into Northern Europe. This map is contrasted with the ‘new view’ of history which presents Germany as ‘the prehistoric heart of Europe’ and as the ‘cradle for peasant peoples of the Nordic race’. Thus, right on its first map page, Bildung, that is humanist education, is suppressed by mythical ‘thinking with the blood’.


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(9) Here you see the largest ‘Jewish cities’ of Eastern Europe in absolute numbers at the left and in percentages at the right. These are just two of the 62 maps in the standard work Das Judenthum im osteuropäischen Raum, ‘Jewry in Eastern European Space’, from 1938. The author, Peter-Heinz Seraphim, is an economist and scholar on Eastern Europe who becomes a Nazi-expert on Judaism. He states: the urbanisation of the growing Jewish population leads to their dominating the retail sector, the liberal professions and the credit institutions or results in their proletarisation and pauperisation. But as the mentality of these Ostjuden, the 'Eastern Jews', remains 'uprooted', they exploit non-Jews merciless or become revolutionary internationalists. This explains, according to him, the many Jewish bankers and Bolsheviks.


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(10) For Seraphim, migrations and ghettos are the two sides of Jewish life. He gives small maps of major ghettos like these with the ghetto of Vilnius in 1931. To him, the unhygienic Yiddish ghetto of Eastern Europe forms a city within a city which resists assimilation. At the same time it is vital for the Jewish attempts to dominate the economic and cultural life of their ‘host-nation’. His depiction of this power base for the Ostjuden becomes a turning point in the Nazi discussions on ghettos. For Dan Michman that explains why there were no ghettos put up in Germany. And it provides the background for his new reading of Heydrichs Schnellbrief, the Express Letter of September 1939: there is no central command for creating new ghettos in Poland. Hence the differences in the years of setting up and in the forms and functions of the local ghettos, not to speak of the degree of collaboration of local non-Jewish authorities and local Jewish leaders with the Nazis.


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(11) Almost simultaneous with the Kristallnacht, the 'Night of Broken Glass' on November 9/10, 1938, appears in Berlin this Handbuch für die Jüdische Auswanderung, the ‘Manual for the Jewish Emigration’. When this Atlas and Guide is published by the Jewish Philo House, its map of the Republic of Czechoslovakia is already outdated. However, this book remains exceptionally relevant. At the Evian Conference in July both the United States and Britain refused to take in substantial numbers of Jews and most other countries followed suit. The guide contains an alphabetical survey of countries with their rules for obtaining visas. But these are no tourist formalities, because now survival depends on them. Which countries still accept migrants? How much money per person do they demand? For what occupations is there a need? Which diseases need one be prepared for? Where to find local organizations who can help immigrants? On the small map of the world are shown the distances from Berlin to new destinations. This atlas and traveler's guide expresses the desperate hope that an orderly departure is still possible.


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(12) The Freudenheims manage to escape Berlin in late 1938. Their eleven year old son Fritz documents their homes and locations since 1925 and charts the odyssey of his family: From the old homeland to the new homeland! Germany looms largest of the European countries. October 23 they arrive by train in Hamburg, the main exit port for lucky Jewish emigrants. Five days later, they embark the Jamaique and visit on its journey the ports of Antwerp in Belgium, of Le Havre in France and of Lissabon in Portugal. Africa, with only the port of Casablanca in Morocco to call, is drawn relatively small. The Freudenheims reach their destination via the ports of Rio de Janeiro and Santos in Brazil and arrive 30 November in Montevideo, Uruguay. On Fritz' brightly coloured map South America is quite defined but detached from North America.   Click to view larger image
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(13) In his Race contra space: the conflict between German ‘Geopolitik’ and National Socialism Mark Bassin rightly argues that their underlying philosophies ran counter to each other. Nonetheless, this brochure The Jews in the series Geopolitics in map images from 1940 maps the history of ‘the perfidious Jews’. Here you see migration movements of ‘Eastern Jews’ from the 14th to the 20th century in the region destined to become the German East. The text accompagnying the last map of this brochure argues that the Zionist project to settle the Jews in Palestine is already failing because of the fierce resistance by indigenous Arabs. Still the solution remains: the expulsion of ‘confessional and racial Jews’. Nazism is obsessed by its vision of a Europe without Jews.


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Cleansing and ghettos    

(14) As Guntram Herb shows in his masterly book from 1997: Under the Map of Germany, ethnographic maps not only served German propaganda, but are used also by Hitler and the High Command of the Armed Forces in preparing invasions and controlling occupied territories. Here the Führer discusses a map with Field Marshal Keitel and his deputy Jodl, the Chief of the Operations Staff. One ethnographic map of Poland is especially designed for the operations of September 1939: the Wehrethnographische Karte von Polen. I haven’t yet encountered a copy of this map. Even then more research is needed to discover to what extent the Wehrmacht used it to direct artillery and air attacks on certain villages and neighbourhoods or to assist in the ‘cleansings’ which start immediately. Special squads of SS and police arrest or kill Polish civilians caught resisting the Germans, or considered capable of doing so, as determined by their position and status. Tens of thousands landowners, priests and rabbis, government officials, teachers, doctors, officers, journalists are murdered in mass executions or sent to prisons and concentration camps.


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(15) Volksdeutsche are people considered to be Germans though their families lived in other countries for several generations, even centuries. To draw these people back 'home' to the Reich is one of the reasons for the Molotov-Ribbentrob Pact and for the agreements of Germany with the Baltic States and with Rumania. This map in Meyer's Landvolk im Werden (‘Country People in the process of Formation’) from 1941 presents the transfers of Volksdeutsche from the Dobrudja up to Estonia. The estimated value of their left possessions is due to the Reich, mostly in raw materials. After racial examination, the great majority settle in the annexed parts of Poland which have to be germanised. To make room for them special forces uproot Catholic, secular and Jewish Poles and confiscate their properties to compensate Volksdeutsche. The displaced Poles become forced labourers till they can be transported to the Generalgouvernement.


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(16) After Nazi-Germany annexes Lódz they transform the city into Litzmannstadt by modernizing its infrastructure and organizing racial segregation. Almost 200.000 Jews are first excluded from certain market streets and get curfews imposed on them. Early 1940 regional and local authorities create a ‘provisional ghetto’ around the central north popular quarter, because the deportation of the Jews to the Generalgouvernement has to be suspended. Houses in better-off Jewish areas are for Germans. Here you see a public city plan of Litzmannstadt from 1942, now in the map collection of the Library of Congress.


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(17) The other Poles in the ghetto area are evicted from their homes, as well as from its warehouses and factories, and marginalised. This city plan with German street names doesn’t give the boundaries of the ghetto, but why are most of its streets only indicated by two letters?


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(18) The Warsaw Ghetto is delineated in several contemporary plans and maps, like this manuscript plan on a secret military map. The secret map of Warsaw in the scale of 1 : 20.000 is made by the Department for military geography of the Wehrmacht, also called the Topographietruppe. They produce all kinds of maps by revising local maps on the basis of aerial photographs and information gathered by spies. Together with target pictures, this military map of Warsaw was essential for preparing the air strikes of September 1939. The heaviest bombings wrought especially havoc in the old Jewish neighbourhood on September 25; in the Jewish calendar this is Yom Kippur. On Yom Kippur 1940, a decree is issued on setting up three housing districts in Warsaw – for Germans, Poles and Jews. Then, after a month of conflicts between ‘Poles and Jews’ about the exact boundaries, this plan of the ‘Jewish Ghetto’ is drawn by SS-Sturmbannführer Max Jesuiter, chief of staff of the Warsaw SS. This manuscript plan on the military map forms the cartographic basis for the sealed ghetto of November 16. On my website (see below) I analyze the topographical history of the Warsaw ghetto with 9 other secret and public maps from WWII.


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(19) On June 22, 1941 Hitler attacks the Soviet Union. After the German Army enters Lemberg/Lwów/Lviv end June, police forces of a German division and Ukrainian militiamen kill more than 3000 Jews. This pogrom is instigated by the rumour that Jews had joined the Bolsheviks in the massacre of the political prisoners just before the departure of the Red Army. This rare street poster, issued the 8th of November 1941 by the German governor, compels the Jews to resettle north of the railway in two slums chosen by the new Ukrainian mayor. Between November 16 and December 14 they have to leave their neighbourhoods one after the other, and walk along the indicated routes to the ghetto.


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(20) Within weeks, the former Baltic States are also occupied by the Nazis. On August 23 the Latvian newspaper Tevija (Fatherland) announces with this map the creation of a Jewish ghetto in a mixed Jewish and Russian suburb of Riga. This daily is now in the Riga Ghetto and Latvian Holocaust Museum. Only weeks after its closure in the end of October 1941, most of its 30,000 Jews are massacred on two days by German and Latvian special commandos in the woods near Rumbala. The cleared part of the ghetto is then allocated to Jews deported from Germany. Maps in local papers create a climate of terror for Jews in the occupied cities or indicate opportunities for booty to profiteers, because usually they are the first plans to become public. And newspapers often announce changes textually by deliniating new borders through naming the streets and houses which remain part of the ghetto. In smaller places lists with street names and house numbers often suffice for delineating ghetto boundaries.


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(21) Sometimes, Jewish maps survive that bear witness to their history in the ghetto. A well known example is the yearbook Slobodka Ghetto 1942 which is preserved in the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. This Yiddish book forms part of the secret diary on 1941-’44 of Avraham Tory, a secretary of the Jewish Council, and records events in the ghetto of Kovno/Kaunas in Lithuania. It contains decrees, illustrations, songs, jokes ánd a sequence of overlay maps. These small maps show the originally proposed boundaries, the ghetto at the time of its closure in August 1941, the liquidation of the small ghetto in October ‘41 and the reductions in May and October 1942. The Kovno/Kaunas ghetto becomes a transit camp, not for 'resettlement in the East’ but to near death.


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Transit to death


(22) In the meantime in Warsaw the Great Deportation is underway. In September 1942 an escapee from Treblinka, Jakub Krzepicki, returnes to the ghetto of Warsaw to report what goes on there. This manuscript map, drawn in indelible ink with typed explanations, is based on his observations. You see a sketch of the extermination camp with the train tracks to the left. Number 9 is the ‘tube’ to ‘the shower building’ (number 10) where the Jews are gassed. The map is preserved in the Ringelblum Archive of the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw. Maps like this one are not only made for the prosecution when time would come to bring the Nazi criminals to justice. This simple map functions foremost as a means to locate the unimaginable. As Abel Herzberg wrote: Human cruelty surpasses human imagination.


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(23) Raoul Hilberg argues in his German Railroads, Jewish Souls, that the Reichsbahn, with its modern infrastructure and dedicated personnel, formes part of the bureaucratic machinery of destruction. The Reichsbahn even offers the SS reduced fees if more Jews are pushed into the trains and exempts children under 4 from payment. Here you see part of the Railway network on map East from 1943 with Sóbibor and Auschwitz. This map doesn't solve the placing of some extermination camps. Because the question is: Are the localisations of Sóbibor, Belzec and maybe even Treblinka based on their being near a railway junction of standard and broad gauges? But beyond the rationality of its spatial coordination, a more important question comes up: why does the aim of the Nazis radicalize as the war escalated? The answer to this question lies not in the timetables of the special trains and arguably not even in their race science. There is no space to discuss here the historical/metahistorical dimension of the Endlösung (Final Solution), which takes root because totalitarian rule inverts the morals. I just mention the apocalyptic vision of convinced Nazis who hold the extermination of the Jews to be inevitable before the coming of a new era of Aryan redemption. We do need to realise that spatial approaches of the Holocaust meet their explanatory limits.


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(24) Here are two pages of the Baedeker Travel Guide from 1943 on the Generalgouvernement, a separate administrative region of the Third Reich. This General Governorate comprises the former central Polish districts of Krakow, Radom, Warsaw and Lublin. From August 1941 also Eastern Galicia around Lemberg (now Lviv in the Ukraine) becomes part of it. The Guide shows little of the Nazi policy towards Jews. But the creative role of Germans and their culture in the history of its towns is frequently stressed. Only in passing this Baedeker says of the many Jews of Lublin: In 1862 57% of the city were Jews, now it is ‘Judenfrei’ (free of Jews). The plan shows the centre of Lublin, including the Jewish quarter around the castle and the Lubartower Street which has already largely been destroyed.


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(25) Romania is the only real case of a German ally acting independently to murder its Jews, especially those of the Bukovina and Bessarabia. In this context an ethnographic map from 1941 is of great interest: the Volkstumskarte von Rumänien in 44 sheets. All of them can be viewed on Wikimedia Commons. When put together this map of Great Romania measures four and a half by three meters; the Donau valley and the sparsely populated Carpathian Mountains are immediately recognisable. On this enormous wall map Romania is still depicted with by then Hungarian occupied Northern-Transylvania, but without Transnistria. The design is by professor Hugo Hassinger, expert in spatial research and in the cultural geography of South Eastern Europe, but the map is produced by a team headed by SS-Obersturmführer Wilfried Krallert. The necessary data for this map come from the Central Institute of Statistics of Romania. Its director Sabin Manuila, an expert in demography and cartography, cooperates closely with Krallert. The original data have been collected during the Romanian Census of 1930. Krallert's team in Vienna produces in 1941 the same kind of ethnographic maps also of Hungary in 23 sheets and of Yugoslavia in 40 sheets. Currently, I'm investigating how these maps are used by army forces and by special squads.


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(26) Copies of this huge Volkstumskarte von Rumänien are officially presented to the fascist Conducator Ion Antonescu and to the Romanian Army. Together with the results of a new Romanian census from 1941 they function clearly in the discussion on the central program to cleanse Romania. In october 1941 Manuila presents Marshall Antonescu with a detailed plan how 3,5 million non-Romanians should leave the country. Serbs, Turcs, Hungarians and Ukrainians must be exchanged with Romanians from neighbouring countries. But the deportations of Jews and Roma are termed by Manuila: 'One-way transfer'. Here you see the one sheet with Czernowitz or Cernauti, today Chernivtsi in the Ukraine.


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(27) Here is shown just a part of this sheet. The ethnic distribution in the former capital of the Bukovina and in the villages of the region is visualised with coloured circles according to size (black stands for Jews, red for Germans, purple for Romanians, yellow for Hungarians, dark green for Russians, light green for Ukrainians, a circle with a Z for gypsies, etc.). The background is a pre-WWI Austrian Army map of 1 : 200.000, without the terrain colours. Like most of the Jews from Czernowitz/Cernauti, Leo and Fritzi Antschel are deported to Transnistria. Many of them die there in death marches and massacres or from hunger, frost or dysentery in concentration camps with broken barracks without electricity, running water or latrines. Only the corruption among Romanian and Ukrainian guards offers chances of survival. In some ghettos more Jews survive than elsewhere in Transnistria because their communities are better organised and produce valuable goods for Romanian officials.


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(28) August 1942 the Antschels and other slave labourers are requisitioned to the eastern side of the southern Bug river. In the Ukraine they have to work on 'Thoroughfare IV', the German supply line to the southeastern front. This enormous project, that functions according to ‘Extermination through labour’, takes the lives of many thousands Soviet prisoners of war and of at least 25,000 Jews. This manuscript map of Durchgangsstrasse IV sets out its labour camps and the organisation of its construction zones. It is made many years after the war by the painter Arnold Daghani, but based on his diary and drawings which chronicle the bitter experiences in camp Michailowka. Among the Jews shot there when they were no longer fit to work are the parents of Paul Celan (an anagram of Ancel, the Romanian spelling of Antschel), the tragic poet of the famous Todesfuge/Death Fugue.


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Elie Wiesel wrote: The Nazis aim was to make the Jewish universe shrink. This aim requires a process of reducing multiple and often mixed spheres of identity to Jewish versus non-Jewish spaces. Of course, to analyse this geographical process on its ideological, political, economical and vital levels implies more than studying wartime maps and maps reconstructed from memory; also more than designing new maps. Even though historical maps in GIS can visualise textual data and present underlying spatial patterns of which the interacting Nazis, victims and bystanders are only partially aware. Nonetheless, scholars in geography and Holocaust research would do wise to take all these levels of maps serious.

I don’t need to convince you that contemporary maps are more than means to locate old placenames or just illustrations of regional contexts, neither that some maps carry a special aura because they bear witness to central parts of the Holocaust. These functions remain vital for tracing families and for publications and exhibitions. But more important for our workshop is to investigate to what extent wartime maps were instrumental in the organisation of terror and of resistance. We should not forget that spatial research and making maps played a prominent role in Nazi planning. The maps I commented on briefly only form a small selection of the large amount of surviving cartographic material. Therefore, it is time to develop an international project which helps to localize, catalogue, digitize and connect the multitude of still remaining maps related to the Holocaust.


© Harrie Teunissen
Leiden/Bad Arolsen May-July 2013



Harrie Teunissen and his partner John Steegh are map-collectors from Leiden in Holland. Their jointly build up collection of some 9500 maps and 1300 atlasses and travel guides, mostly from 1750 – 1950, focuses on water management, city development, ethnic relations and military conflicts. They organise exhibitions based on this collection, like ‘The Balkans in maps, five centuries of struggle about identity’ (Leiden University Library 2003). The last years Teunissen researches mainly for his internet-project ‘Mapping Jewish History’.

Topography of Terror: Maps of the Warsaw Ghetto

From Mauritsstad to New Amsterdam: Mapping Early Jewish Presence in the Americas

Lebensraum und Getto. Karten der Warthegau, Pläne von Litzmanstadt


Consulted books

Aly, Götz & Susanne Heim. Architects of Annihilation: Auschwitz and the Logic of Destruction. New York 1999

Ancel, Jean. The History of the Holocaust in Romania. Lincoln / Jerusalem 2011

Barkahan, Menachem (Ed.). Extermination of the Jews in Latvia 1941-1945. Riga 2008

Baedeker, Karl. Das Generalgouvernement, Reisehandbuch. Leipzig 1943

Bassin, Marc. Race contra Space: the Conflict between German Geopolitik and National Socialism. In: Political Geography Quaterly, april 1987

Bennet, G. H. The Nazi, the Painter and the Forgotten Story of the SS Road. London 2012

Benz, Wolfgang & Brigitte Mihok (Eds). Holocaust an der Peripherie, Judenpolitik und Judenmord in Rumänien und Transnistrien 1940-1944. Berlin 2009

Brandon, Ray & Wendy Lower (Eds). The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony. Memoralization. Bloomington 2008

Brauch, Julia, Anna Lipphardt & Alexandra Nocke (Eds). Jewish Topographies: Visions of Space, Traditions of Place. Aldershot / Burlington 2008

Braun, Helmut & Deborah Schulz (Eds.). Der Maler Arnold Daghani: 'Verfolgt - Gezeichnet' (Katalogbuch zur Ausstellung). Springe 2006

Celan, Paul. Verzamelde gedichten (German / Dutch by Ton Naaijkens). Amsterdam 2003

Cole, Tim. Traces of the Holocaust, Journeying in and out of the Ghettos. London / New York 2010

Cole, Tim. Holocaust City, The Making of a Jewish Ghetto. New York / London 2003

Arnold Daghani's Memories of Mikhailowka: The Illustrated Diary of a Slave Labour Camp Survivor (D. Schulz / E. Timms eds.). London 2009

Dawidowicz, Lucy. The War against the Jews, 1933-1945. New York 1975

Diner, Dan. 'Grundbuch des Planeten', Zur Geopolitik Karl Haushofers. In: Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte. Januari 1984

Emmerich, Wolfgang. Paul Celan. Reinbek bei Hamburg 1999

Engelking, Barbara & Jacek Leociak. The Warsaw Ghetto, a Guide to the Perished City. New Haven / London 2009

Fahlbusch, Michael & Ingo Haar (Eds.). German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing 1920 - 1945. New York 2005

Fahlbusch, Michael & Ingo Haar. Handbuch der völkischen Wissenschaften, Personen - Institutionen - Forschungsprogramme - Stiftungen. München 2008

Felstiner, John. Paul Celan, Poet, Survivor, Jew. New Haven / London 1995

Friedländer, Saul. Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939. New York 1997

Friedländer, Saul. Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Extermination. New York 2007

Gilbert, Martin. Atlas of the Holocaust. New York 1993 (second ed.)

Harms, Heinrich. Neuer deutscher Geschichts- und Kulturatlas. Leipzig 1934

Herb, Guntram. Under the Map of Germany, Nationalism and Propaganda 1918 - 1945. London / New York 1997

Hilberg, Raul. The Destruction of the European Jews. New Haven 2003

Hilberg, Raul. German Railroads / Jewish Souls. In: Society 14.1 Nov./Dec. 1976

Horwitz, Gordon. Ghettostadt: Lodz and the Making of a Nazi City. Cambridge 2008

Ioanid, Radu. The Holocaust in Romania. Chicago 2000

Jantzen, Walther. Die Juden, Geopolitik im Kartenbild. Heidelberg / Berlin / Magdeburg 1940

Jakulyté-Vasil, Milda. Lithuanian Holocaust Atlas. Vilnius 2011

Kuiper, Arie. Een wijze ging voorbij, Het leven van Abel J. Hertzberg. Amsterdam 1997

Löwenthal, Ernst (Ed.). Philo-Atlas, Handbuch für die Jüdische Auswanderung. Berlin 1938

Lower, Wendy. Nazi Empire-Building and the Holocaust in Ukraine. Chapel Hill 2005

Madajczyk, Czeslaw (Ed.). Vom Generalplan Ost zum Generalsiedlungsplan, Dokumente. München 1994

Meyer, Konrad. Landvolk im Werden. Berlin 1941

Michman, Dan. The Emergence of Jewish Ghettos during the Holocaust. New York / Jerusalem 2011

Penk, Albrecht. Deutscher Volks- und Kulturboden. In: K. L. von Loesch (Ed.). Volk unter Völkern. Breslau 1925

Pudelko, Alfred. Rasse und Raum als geschichtsbestimmende Kräfte. Berlin 1939

Putzgers Historischer Schul-Atlas. Grosse Ausgabe 54. Bielefeld / Leipzig 1937

Roest, Friso & Jos Scheren. Oorlog in de stad, Amsterdam 1939-1941. Amsterdam 1998

Rössler, Mechtild. 'Wissenschaft und Lebensraum', Geographische Ostforschung im Nationalsozialismus. Berlin / Hamburg 1998

Seraphim, Peter-Heinz. Das Judentum im osteuropäischen Raum. Essen 1938

Snyder, Timothy. Bloodlands, Europe between Hitler and Stalin. London 2010

Stone, Dan. Histories of the Holocaust. Oxford 2010

United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Hidden History of the Kovno Ghetto. Boston / New York / Toronto / London 1997

United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Historical Atlas of the Holocaust. New York 1996

Vilna Gaon State Jewish Museum. Holokausto Ekspozicijos Katalogas / Catalogue of the Holocaust Exhibition. Vilnius 2011

Voren, Robert van. Undigested Past, the Holocaust in Lithuania. Amsterdam / New York 2011

Wiesel, Elie. Night (new edition). New York 2010

The Yad Vashem Encyclopedia of the Ghettos during the Holocaust. Two Volumes. Jerusalem 2009


Consulted websites

For Daghani's manuscript map of Thoroughfare IV: www.sussex.ac.uk/library/speccoll/cgjs/teachingpack/hugemap.html

For the Geographies of the Holocaust project at the USHMM:

For information on Hassinger and Krallert:

For the city plan of Lodz/Litzmannstadt see also:

Messerschmidt, Manfred. 'Grösste Härte ...'. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht in Polen, September/Oktober 1939. In Reihe: Gesprächskreis Geschichte Heft 63. Bonn 2005:

For Strange Maps 352 - Fritz and Ships: An 11-Year-Old's Map of Jewish Emigration:

Teunissen, Harrie. Czernowitz, topografie en poëzie (4 columns):

For the 'Volkstumskarte' of Romania from 1941 in 44 sheets: