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Dear map friends, ladies and gentlemen.

I am very honored to be invited by the New York Map Society and the New York Public Library (NYPL) to present to you From Mauritstad to New Amsterdam from my ongoing project Mapping Jewish History. For this lecture I have selected maps from the seventeenth century which correspond with the first Jewish communities in the Americas. These Dutch maps hardly give direct information about Jewish presence. Nonetheless, with their help I sketch the role of Jews in the early Dutch expansion to the West, discuss their share in the slave trade and analyse the religious tolerance of Jews by the Dutch colonial regimes.


(2) Let me begin with this Leo Belgicus, with the north to the right, from the Flemish cartographer Hondius (part of Wikimedia Commons). Maps of the Low Countries in the shape of a lion symbolize their long struggle for independence from Spanish kings who impose heavy taxes and a religious inquisition. When this map is published 1611 in Amsterdam, its southern half, now Belgium, is recaptured by Spain, but the access to the sea port of Antwerp remains blocked. Because of this, merchants migrate to the new trade center of Western Europe: Amsterdam. Among them are many Portuguese and Spanish New Christians, who in the relative tolerance of this city return to the Jewish faith. In Portugal their ancestors converted to Catholicism under pressure and coercion and came to play a prominant role in its first worldwide trade empire. The Portuguese Inquisition started 1540 to root out ‘Judaist heresies’ and can be understood as the reaction of the old aristocracy to the rise of a new financial and commercial elite, hence the obsession with the ‘purity of blood’. After four/five generations most New Christians have largely assimilated, only a minority still clings to Jewish traditions in secret. Many families of the last group migrate to Amsterdam to practice their Judaism openly. From here Sephardic merchants keep trading with their Portuguese relations in sugar and tobacco from Brazil, and spices and cotton from India.


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(3a) In 1621 is founded the Dutch West India Company (WIC), next to the already highly profitable Dutch East India Company. The purpose of these Protestant multinationals is to compete with Catholic Spain and Portugal who form a royal union. The new company becomes quite successful in the Dutch conquest of the Portuguese North East Coast of Brazil. Here is a multi-sheet map with the capture of the Pernambuco district by the WIC in March 1630 (from the Maritime Museum Rotterdam). In the center you see the attack on its capital Olinda with on the left the ships under admiral Lonck and on the right the landing force.

(3b) The overview at the top shows to the left how Portuguese traders have put fire to their own sugar-warehouses in Recife. Beneath this is a boat were the crew takes soundings to chart treacherous shallows in these coastal waters. This good news map is printed two months later in Amsterdam. In the meantime Portuguese colonists start a guerilla from the hinterland against the invaders, which forces them later to abandon and bring down Olinda. Some 7000 soldiers and sailors now retreat to Recife which can easier be fortified and defended. There are only a handful Jews among these men, some are interpreters for Dutch-Portuguese-Spanish. At least one is a former New Christian from Pernambuco who acts as a strategic informant.


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(4) This manuscript map of the Pernambuco district from about 1640 (from the British Library) depicts some towns and many sugar mills in the hinterland. From here Portuguese colonists keep surrounding the invaders in Recife until 1632, when the mulatto Fernandes Calabar and several hundred runaway slaves go over to the Dutch. With their knowledge of the terrain chances turn and many plantations are destroyed. When moreover the neighboring districts are conquered with the help of native allies, the Portuguese guerilla can no longer be supplied by ship via the coast. The Calvinist Company starts then a propaganda campaign. When the Portuguese guerilla stops, the old colonists can continue to practice their Catholic faith publicly and they will get economic help. Here merchants among the Jewish settlers from Amsterdam fit in. They are anxious to rekindle their Brazilian trade and can supply financial credit for rebuilding the mills against promises of future repayment in raw sugar. Some even acquire abandoned plantations for themselves. Multilingual Sephardim form the link between the WIC and the Portuguese planters. Even tax farmers are mostly Jews. At the bottom in the middle, opposite Recife, you can detect the start of the new capital of Dutch Brazil: Mauritsstad. The city is named after its governor-general, count Johan Maurits of Nassau, of whom you see a painting at the right.


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(5) Mauritsstad and Recife are depicted on this manuscript map with their topography of 1643. It's from the famous Vingboons workshop in Amsterdam (part of Wikimedia Commons). Recife means ‘reef’ in Portuguese, for the reef that protects the harbour. Since 1636 is located here, in Jews Street, the oldest American synagogue (white arrow), named Kahal Zur Israel (Rock of Israel). Some years later the Sephardic community builds a second synagogue in Mauritsstad called Maguen Abraham (Shield of Abraham). Isaac Aboab da Fonseca from Amsterdam is the first rabbi of the New World. A few Portuguese New Christians now return to Judaism. One of them is the contractor who builds the bridge between Recife and Mauritsstad. At the top in the white area is written Der Joden Begraef Plaets (The cemetery of the Jews). Jews amount up to 1/3 of the 2400 local free men on a total of some 6000 souls, including soldiers and slaves. Dutch Brazil enjoys freedom of faith and knows no Inquisition, nevertheless the growing Jewish community encounters stiff resistance from fervent Protestants ánd Catholics. They request the WIC out of respect for the name of Christ, our Lord to curb the influx of Jewish migrants and to order that they wear a yellow sign. Economically, they must not be allowed to sell directly to customers. Religiously, their ceremonies must strictly be kept within the synagogues. The governor-general and his council order restraint and tolerance to all. But in fact Jews can be shopkeepers and practice their faith publicly.


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(6) As the WIC extends its powers over the sugar producing Brazilian districts, the demand for slaves increases. But their existing trading posts on the West Coast of Africa prove insufficient, so they mount expeditions to conquer Portuguese forts there. In 1637, a fleet with 800 soldiers, 400 sailors and a group of Brazilian natives sails from Recife to the Gold Coast. In august they capture Elmina (arrow E), assisted by African fighters from coastal tribes. In 1642 the WIC succeeds in taking the whole Gold Coast. Meanwhile they occupy, although only for some years, the big slave station of Luanda (arrow L), on the coast of Angola. Here you see a navigation map by Johan van Loon with the West Coast of Africa (the North is to the left) and a Vingboons manuscript plan of Elmina and its surroundings (from the Dutch National Archives) with the fort, its castle and the adjacent ‘negro town’ (in Dutch: de negerije). The Catholic nations of Portugal and Spain still dominate the slave trade, but now they loose a large share to the Protestant companies from Holland and England. The WIC enjoys a monopoly in the Dutch transatlantic slave trade. While crossing the ocean, chained slaves have the same space as passengers nowadays in the economy class of a Boeing 747. But an average of 1/6 of the Africans die during this passage, which lasts at least a month. Jewish merchants cannot take part in this transatlantic trade, but they play a striking role in the slave trade in Dutch Brazil.


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(7) Here, on contemporary watercolors by Zacharias Wagener, you see the slave market in Jews Street, Recife, and house slaves transporting a Portuguese lady. Research on the auctions in Pernambuco shows that the purchase of slaves by Jews rises from 21% for 1637/40 (an average of 127 slaves a year) to almost 50% for 1641/44 (that’s 341 slaves a year). The slaves are often sold on credit, later to be paid in raw sugar. The dominancy of Jews is shown also by a ruse from Catholic and Protestant slave traders who in 1644 try to organize a slave auction on a Jewish holiday. But the government intervenes and the plot fails. When the mass of slave workers on modern plantations and sugar mills outnumber the familiar house slaves, racial notions transform old Jewish precepts. From 1647 on, ‘Jewish mulattos and blacks’ are to be buried on a separate section of the Jewish cemetery. Growing separation within the community is not limited to Jews. Protestant masters prevented already in 1636 baptized slaves to participate in their church services, they should attend special services. And after 1649 the Jewish congregation of Recife fines the Jewish master who circumcises his slave so he can become part of his household, as was the custom based on Genesis 17:12/13 and Exodus 12:44. Henceforth circumcision is allowed only after manumission and conversion to Judaism.


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(8) How much owners of sugar mills depend on their African slaves can be seen on this map with the districts Pernambuco and Itámaracá. It is a Spanish version of a part of the wall map from 1647 by the cartographer and astronomer Markgraf for governor-general Johan-Maurits, edited by the famous Blaeu firm in Amsterdam (part of Wikimedia Commons). The slave trade remaines a risky business. The great Portuguese-Brazilian revolt against the WIC starts 1645 in Pernambuco. Catholic colonists, slaves and natives with guns, sickles and arrows drive the mercenaries back to the fortified capital and its harbor. Now the regional trade collapses and collecting debts becomes impossible. Jewish slave traders and tax farmers suffer heavily from this. The privilege that Jews don’t have to join the civil guard on Sabbath is now revoked. On a manuscript map from 1648 one fort is even called Joden Wacht - Jews Guard. As attempts to break the Portuguese enclosure keep failing, Mauritsstad and Recife have to be provisioned by see. When the First Anglo-Dutch See War makes military assistance from Holland no longer possible, the WIC decides to abandon Brazil. January 1654 they agree to capitulate to the Portuguese against the safe departure for Protestants ánd Jews and promises of compensation for material losses.


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(9) Many Jewish settlers have already left before the fall of Mauritsstad, the others follow after the Portuguese conquest. I show some destinations on this West Indian Paskaert on parchment by Anthonie Jacobs from Amsterdam 1646 (from Het Scheepvaartmuseum Amsterdam). This beautifully decorated map, with compass lines for navigation, charts the coasts and islands of the Atlantic Ocean and even of the South East Pacific. With sandglasses to keep time and a sundial to correct time, with log lines and a half minute glass to check the speed of the ship, its officers usually know where they are on the map. From Recife several Jewish families sail to English Barbados or settle on the Dutch coast of Guyana (see the green line). The red line indicates a group of Jews which leaves Recife in February 1654 on board the Falcon, heading for French Martinique, where they can practice their religion freely. But a severe tempest and strong contrary winds causes the ship to strand on Spanish Jamaica, where passengers and crew are imprisoned. The Jews are even threatened with transport to Spain to be judged by the Inquisition. Luckily, after a while all can leave on board the French St. Catherine. This ship arrives early September in New Amsterdam. In a moment I’ll turn to the adventures of this group. The majority of the Jews from Brazil return with their rabbi to Amsterdam as shown by the blue line. Some years later most of these exiles cross the Atlantic again to settle or trade in the Americas. They travel to Dutch colonies like New Amsterdam, the island of Curacao, the Wild Coast of Guyana and after 1667 Dutch Surinam or go to English colonies.


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(10a) I’ll first pay a short visit to old Amsterdam. This map by Johan Blaeu from 1649 (part of Wikimedia Commons) shows a fast growing Amsterdam in the middle of its Golden Age with the first section of its ring of canals completed. Its harbor, pointing north west, is the basis of a worldwide trading network and its stock market (in the red circle) is the leading financial center until London takes over. Jewish Amsterdam (in the yellow oval), which counts some 2000 souls, is the model for the rights and the restrictions of Jewish communities elsewhere. If need be, its leaders pressure the board of the WIC and lobby the ‘States General’ (the body of delegates representing the United Provinces) of the Dutch Republic to protect the Jews in their colonies.

(10b) The city has never seen a ghetto, but most poor Jews hire some room on Vlooienburg (indicated by the red oval) and richer Sephardim buy houses near Broadway, our Breestraat. The council of its Sephardic congregation forms the court of appeal for conflicts in congregations oversees. Dutch Brazil also influences Jewish Amsterdam. In 1650, one year after Recife, its congregation likewise no longer allows circumcision of their ‘black and mulatto’ house slaves. Sephardic Jews, who are of a darker complexion than Ashkenazi Jews from Eastern Europe, also ‘whiten’ themselves in their synagogue. Non-white Jewish serving women are allowed to sit in the women’s section only from the eighth row backwards. The old Sephardic synagogue Talmud Thora (arrow S) is situated on the Houtgracht, just yards away from the house of Spinoza, our greatest philosopher, who in 1656 is banned by his congregation. One street further north, on Broadway, lives Rembrandt (arrow R), our greatest painter.


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(11) Here is an etching of Menasseh ben Israel by his friend and neighbour Rembrandt and an engraving from the old Sephardic synagogue by De Hooghe. This learned rabbi plays a vital role in a crucial period when Amsterdam is again a safe haven for several new Christian families, fleeing a fresh wave of persecution by the Spanish Inquisition, and for Sephardic merchants of the Republic of Venice, migrating North because the war with the Ottoman Empire destroys their business. Ashkenazi Jews from Eastern Europe escaping the Cossack massacres led by Chmielnicki find here shelter as well. When the profitable sugar trade collapses and Jews return from Dutch Brazil, the Jewish community of Amsterdam can no longer cope with all these migrants and refugees. Here the mission of Menasseh ben Israel to London around 1656 fits in. With skillful messianistic diplomacy and strong economic arguments, he persuades the Lord Protector Cromwell to accept Jews in the English realm. On the way back to Amsterdam he dies just before his request is finally conceded. Jews can now again practice their religion openly, not only in England itself, but also in its colonies. A new era of Jewish migration to the Americas starts to relieve crowded Jewish Amsterdam.  

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(12) This well known Novi Belgii map is largely based on a manuscript map from 1649 which formes part of a petition of New Netherland to the States-General of the Dutch Republic. In spite of some errors the map reflects the increase in Dutch knowledge of the geography of this area since the first voyage of Hudson in 1609. It is also a rich source for the European settlements and for remaining settlements of native Americans in the middle of the 17th century. The map is reprinted several times, this version is by Nicholas Visscher. New Netherland is at first completely dominated by the WIC because of its monopoly on the profitable fur trade with the Natives. But trading posts alone are vulnerable to attacks of foreign competitors. In 1628 private merchants, who have to be shareholders in the company, are allowed to set up their own colonies. But since 1640 all colonists can trade with the Natives freely, private shipping is also allowed, albeit under a system of permits. New Netherland houses soon people from various nations. As Peter Stuyvesant becomes director-general in 1647, he tries to improve relations between the WIC and the unruly colonists. But they insist on political rights and seek support from the Dutch government. Thus they send 1649 a delegation to the States-General with a petition which includes the manuscript map.


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(13) When early September 1654 a group of 23 Jewish men, women and children arrive in New Amsterdam, they must have seen these marking points of the port. From left to right: the large fort with a windmill, a flagpole to announce incoming ships, a jail, a church and the residence of the director-general. In the center a gallows tree, then warehouses and homes and finally the city inn, since 1653 the town hall. But the troubles of the Jews from Recife are not over yet. The captain of the St. Catherine sues them for the promised fare of 2500 guilders, which is more than the worth of their posessions. Two heads of family are kept as hostages until sums to pay their debt are obtained from local Christians to be repaid by Jewish relatives in Amsterdam. At least two Jews welcome the ship: Solomon Pietersz. who acts as their advocate and Jacob Barsimson, an Ashkenazi trader who has just arrived. In the inset Stuyvesant, who writes two weeks later to the board of the WIC: The Jews ... (with their customary usury and deceitful trading with the Christians) were very repugnant to ... the people ... Also fearing that owing to their present indigence they might become a charge in the coming winter ... , we have, for the benefit of this weak and newly developing place ... , deemed it useful to require them in a friendly way to depart; praying also ... that the deceitful race - such hateful enemies and blasphemers of the name of Christ - be not allowed to further infect and trouble this new colony to the detraction of your worships. However, the Amsterdam directors think this unfair because of the losses these Jews have suffered in Brazil and because by trading in New Netherland they can repay their debts to the Company. Thus they overrule Stuyvesant and let the Jews remain provided the poor among them shall not become a burden to the company or to the community, but be supported by their own nation.


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(14) This is the famous Castello map by Vingboons, based on a cadastral survey from 1661 (from the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Florence). New Amsterdam counts by now some 1300 settlers, the only public worship permitted is the Calvinist Dutch Reformed church. The small group of Jews becomes a small community when in March 1655 six prominent Sephardic merchants from Holland arrive to start trading. One of them is Abraham de Lucena, who brings a Torah scroll with him: a Sephfer Thora of parchment with its green veil and cloak and band of Indian damask of dark purple. The first private synagogue is probably situated in his rented house on this corner of Paerl street with Whitehall street (arrow S). The stern Calvinist Stuyvesant tries to restrict the liberty of these settlers. He writes: Giving them liberty, we cannot refuse the Lutherans and Papists. For example: when Salvador Dandrada buys this house on the corner of Broad street with Stone street (arrow D), Stuyvesant and his council annul the sale. Also they tax Jews to pay for the town guard. Jacob Barsimson and Asser Levy protest that they enjoy citizen rights from Amsterdam and should thus be allowed to keep guard with others on the town wall. Again Stuyvesant is overruled by the WIC. And after some years Asser Levy, the Ashkenazi butcher, can buy this fine house with a garden (arrow L), decades later the site of the Mill Street synagogue.


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(15) Here, an etching from this NYPL shows some African slaves of New Amsterdam. And the new map is Manhattan on the North River. This Vingboons manuscript map (from the Library of Congress) is the first careful study of Manhatten and depicts the situation in 1639 when the settlement still consists of scattered farms with an administrative centre protected by the fort. I have encircled the old quarter for the black slaves of the Company. They have to repair the fort, chop wood, work the fields and build houses. The protective wall to the North, now Wall Street, is build by them as well. African men are also employed in wars with native Americans, African women mainly in household duties. Two decades later many live in the so called House of the Companies negroes, indicated by an arrow on the Castello map (now in South William Street). These slaves are regularly hired out to private individuals. Both slaves in private ownership and those belonging to the Company can gain a kind of ‘half-freedom’, but until the 1650’s their children remain bound to the master, like in Exodus 21:4. These privileged slaves are allotted some acres of land on Manhattan. Later some free African-American communities are permitted, but they still find themselves at the bottom of society. Baptism of black children usually implies that they can no longer be slaves. But strangely after 1655 no such baptism is shown in the registers, while slaves form between 20% and 25% of the local population. Not much is known about Jewish masters and their slaves in New Amsterdam. But as WIC governors and the Dutch Reformed clergy state that servants of Jews cannot be Christians, rich Jews must have employed African slaves. In the Dutch Caribbean island Curaçao Jewish ánd Christian merchants start to play a mayor role in the regional slave trade, mainly to nearby Spanish colonies, but also with New Netherland. At least one Jew of New Amsterdam participates in this trade.


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(16) Though Jews contribute out of proportion to the ‘voluntary taxes’ for strengthening the outer works of New Amsterdam, they are not allowed to trade freely with the Natives, in spite of the permission granted to them by the WIC in Holland. In a letter from end 1655 Abraham de Lucena, Salvador Dandrada and Jacob Cohen demand for themselves and in the name of others of the Jewish nation that they may travel and trade on the South River, at fort Orange (now Albany) and other places. But Stuyvesant and his council decline this general request. Only some exceptions are made. Later the Company instructs the director-general that Jews are to be allowed to trade freely, but are to remain excluded from shop keeping as in Amsterdam. You see a map of the Noort Rivier (now the Hudson) in two parts, from Manhattan up to Fort Orange (white arrow) where Mohicans live. The other map is of the Suydt Rivier (now the Delaware) where 12 Indian nations live in friendship as one people (as the map states). Both maps are published by Vingboons about 1650 (from the Library of Congress), but are based on older local surveys. Constant restrictions in New Netherland and promising news about Western Guyana cause Sephardic families to depart. In the Dutch colony on the Pomeroon River and later in Dutch Surinam they can practice their religion openly, build synagogues, keep shops and partake in local councils. A small community of about 40 Jews existed in New Amsterdam for some 5 years only, after which the Torah scroll returns to Amsterdam. Even in these years there were hardly enough Jews to gather the quorem of ten adult males necessary to recite the Thora with a blessing. When in 1664 Britain takes over, only two male Jews, Asser Levy and Jacob Israel, sign the oath of allegiance to the English crown.


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(17) On my final image is written New Amsterdam, recently called New York and now recaptured by the Dutch on August 24 1673 (from the Library of the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam). When the map of New Netherland that goes with this profile is published the next year in Amsterdam, the city is again New York. Reflecting on our short mapping journey I draw two conclusions.

A. Dutch Brazil serves for some Jews as a laboratory, which proves that a regional slave trade - and a slave driven agricultural industry - can work profitable. This is exploited later from Curaçao and its harbor and on plantations in Pomeroon and Surinam, where they come to form 1/3 of the white population. Jewish New Amsterdam remains marginal here.

B. In the Atlantic world of our Calvinist Company, the tolerance for Jews is quite unevenly distributed. The relative tolerance of Amsterdam remains the norm, but in practice Jews have more rights in Brazil, but clearly less in New Amsterdam. This is mainly because multilingual Sephardim form a necessary link between the WIC and Portuguese colonists. Nonetheless, whatever else New Amsterdam has bestowed New York with, religious tolerance for Jews is not part of its Dutch heritage.


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© Harrie Teunissen
Leiden/New York, September 2012

Topography of Terror: Maps of the Warsaw Ghetto

The Holocaust in Contemporary Maps


Harrie Teunissen and his partner John Steegh are map-collectors from Leiden in Holland. Their jointly build up collection of some 9000 maps and 1250 atlasses and travel guides, mostly from 1750 – 1950, focuses on water management, city development, ethnic relations and military conflicts. They organise exhibitions based on this collection, like ‘The Balkans in maps, five centuries of struggle about identity’ (Leiden University Library 2003). The last years Teunissen researches mainly for his internet-project ‘Mapping Jewish History’.


Consulted Books

Bernardini, P. & N. Fiering (eds.). The Jews and the Expansion of Europe to the West, 1450 - 1800. New York & Oxford 2001

Böhm, G. Los sefardíes en los dominios holandeses de América del Sur y del Caribe 1630 -1750. Frankfurt am Main 1992

Brommer, B. & H. den Heyer. De Oude WIC/The Old WIC, 1621 - 1674. Grote Atlas van de West-Indische-Compagnie/Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch West India Company. Voorburg 2011

Cohen P. & R. Augustyn. Manhattan in Maps, 1527 - 1995. New York 1997

Eltis D. & D. Richardson. Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. New Haven 2010

Emmer, P. De Nederlandse slavenhandel 1500 - 1850. Amsterdam & Antwerpen 2000

Faber, E. Jews, Slaves, and the Slave trade. Setting the Record Straight. Londen 1998

Ferrao C. & J. Soares (eds). Dutch Brazil, The ‘Thierbuch’ and ‘Autobiography’ of Zacharias Wagener. Rio de Janeiro 1997

Fuks-Mansfeld, R. De Sefardim in Amsterdam tot 1795. Hilversum 1989

Glazemaker, J. Klare en Waarachtige Beschrijving van de leste Beroerten en Afval der Portugezen in Brasil. Amsterdam 1652

Gonsalves de Mello, J. Gente da Naçao, Cristaos-novos e Judeus em Pernambuco, 1542 -1654. Recife 1996

Goodfriend, Y. Before the Melting Pot, Society and Culture in Colonial New York City 1664-1730. Princeton 1992

Goodfriend J. Black Families in New Netherland. Journal of the Afro-American Historical and Genealogical Society Vol. 5, Nos 3 & 4, 1984

Heyer, H. den & B. Teensma. Nederlands-Brazilië in kaart. Zuthhen 2011

Herkenhoff, P. (org.). O Brasil e os Holandeses, 1630 -1654. Rio de Janeiro 1999

Hershkowitz, L. New Amsterdam’s Twenty-Three Jews - Myth or Reality. In: Shalom Goldman (ed.). Hebrew and the Bible in America. Hanover and London 1993

Israel, J. Diasporas within a Diaspora. Jews, Crypto-Jews and the World Maritime Empires, 1540 - 1740. Leiden & Boston 2002

Jacobs, J. Een zegenrijk gewest. Nieuw-Nederland in de zeventiende eeuw. Amsterdam 1999

Jacobs, J. The Colony of New Netherland. A Dutch Settlement in Seventeenth-Century America. Ithaca & London 2009

Kaplan,Y., H. Méchoulan & R. Popkin. Menasseh ben Israel and his World. Leiden 1989

Menasseh ben Israel. The Hope of Israel. London 1650

Oppenheim, S. The early history of the Jews in New York, 1654 - 1664. New York 1909

Parker Brienen, R. Visions of Savage Paradise. Albert Eckhout, Court Painter in Colonial Dutch Brazil. Amsterdam 2006

Rock, H. Haven of Liberty. New York Jews in the New World, 1654 - 1865. New York 2012

Schorsch, J. Jews and Blacks in the Early Modern World. Cambridge 2004

Teensma, B. Resentment in Recife. Jews and Public Opinion in 17th-Century Brazil. In: J. Lechner (ed.). Essays on Cultural Identity in Colonial Latin America. Leiden 1988

Wiznitzer, A. Jews in Colonial Brazil. New York 1960


Consulted Sites

A Companhia das Índias Ocidentais. Facsimile of 20 manuscripts from the 17th century describing events leading to the invasion of Brazil by the Dutch West Indies Company, the war, armistice and withdrawal.

Ekamper P. Digital redraft of the Castello Plan of New Amsterdam in New Netherland in 1660. 2008.

Goodfriend J. The Souls of African American Children: New Amsterdam. 2003.

Handler J. & M. Tuite Jr. The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas: A visual Record.

Kruger V. Born to Run: The Slave Family in Early New York, 1626 -1827. 2007.

New Amsterdam Historic Center. Castello Plan Images.

Novi Belgii Novaeque Angliae Nec Non Partis Virginiae Tabula. Nicolaas Visscher (publ.).

Stokes I. Phelps. The Iconography of Manhattan Island 1498 - 1909 (Vol. 2). New York 1916.

Yehling Allen D. The Mapping of New York State: A Study in the History of Cartography, 2011.